NOTE CONTENTS NOTE CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 2383 I. ABSURDITY IN CONTEXT 2390 A. Absurdity in History 2394 B. Absurdity in the Academic Literature and 2397 Judicial Discourse II. THREE CONCEPTIONS OF ABSURDITY 2403 A. Absurdity as a Natural-Law Concept 2405 B. Absurdity as Evidence of Congressional (Non-)Intent 2410 C. Absurdity-as-Irrationality 2417 III. JUSTIFYING THE ABSURDITY CANON 2423 A. Absurdity-as-Irrationality's Enforcement of Constitutional 2424 Values B. Applying Absurdity-as-Irrationality 2433 1. Van Buren v. United States (2021) 2434 2. Biden v. Nebraska (2023) 2437 CONCLUSION 2441
INTRODUCTION
Few substantive canons of statutory interpretation have as longstanding a pedigree as the absurdity canon. (1) Imported from the British legal tradition into American courts, the absurdity canon loosely instructs that statutes ought not be interpreted as to lead to absurd results. (2) But what exactly does "absurd" mean, and how can judges consistently administer such an open-textured concept? The canon's vagueness is the focal point of most critiques of absurdity, and both scholars and judges have long pointed out that the definition of "absurd" turns on highly subjective, contested, and inconsistent assessments of how unreasonable an outcome must be in order to qualify. (3) As a result, finding any singular formulation of absurdity to satisfactorily explain all manners of its historical application continues to elude scholars today. (4)
Despite this paradoxical quality of being both historically entrenched yet normatively unsettled, scholars have not yet attempted to systematically explain how the absurdity canon has evolved over time in American courts and how those changes connect to larger jurisprudential moments in American legal history. This Note fills this gap by offering a descriptive taxonomy of how the Supreme Court has justified and applied the absurdity canon over time. After constructing a descriptive framework for making sense of the absurdity canon's various use cases, the Note then connects each use case to a corresponding set of theoretical justifications rooted in debates about the proper relationship between Congress and the courts. (5)
This descriptive contribution advances the scholarly conversation in two ways. First, taxonomizing past practices sheds light on our current ones by revealing throughlines previously unnoticed. Frameworks, even imperfect ones, facilitate the formation of explanatory narratives that clarify how we have arrived at our current intellectual moment. The descriptive framework herein breaks from current academic accounts of the absurdity canon's history--opening up space for normative contestation of its current applications. (6)
Second, taxonomizing uses of the absurdity canon itself rebuts the common critique that the concept of absurdity is too amorphous to be useful. I posit that the concept of absurdity actually does have definite shape, but that its nature must be understood as a mix of distinct, though overlapping, concepts that have evolved through time to fit the historical moment. (7) If the absurdity canon can actually be made sense of in a purely descriptive way, then the allegation that it is undefinable is not itself a sufficient reason to reject the canon's use. Instead, any rejection of the absurdity canon must be grounded in more substantive notions about what the role of courts ought to be in modern democracy. (8) This topic--the relationship between courts and Congress--remains central to debates about interpretive method. As such, a careful parsing of the absurdity canon intersects with foundational normative questions with which the Court consistently grapples, even when it does not explicitly invoke the absurdity canon.
In addition to clarifying these muddy waters, this Note leverages its descriptive account to raise a normative defense of why absurdity ought to be understood as a weak form of constitutional avoidance. To the extent that scholars have engaged with the normative desirability of employing the absurdity canon in recent decades, they have mostly denied its continued relevance. (9) Critics' basic argument roughly goes: "If the absurdity canon authorizes judges to ignore the plain meaning of the text, then it would allow judicial usurpation of the legislative role." John F. Manning--who has provided the most extensive academic analysis of the absurdity canon to date--argues that "the Court should permit such displacement only when the legislature's action violates the Constitution." (10) Many other scholars have observed similar theoretical tensions between the absurdity canon and basic tenets of textualism--though scholars vary in their normative takeaways. (11)
This Note also proposes that the absurdity canon can and ought to be understood as a weak form of constitutional avoidance, anchored in the norm of rationality review--a familiar technique in both constitutional and administrative law. (12) Specifically, this Note reinforces the commonsense notion that when courts encounter ambiguity in interpreting the statute's plain text, they ought to attend to the likely effects of their interpretations. Only when those foreseeable effects do not plausibly serve any legitimate government end should another interpretation of the law be favored. This assessment parallels rational-basis review in constitutional law and hard-look review in administrative law. It emphasizes courts' unique competency to determine relationships between means and ends, but does not ask courts to set political ends themselves.
This defense of the absurdity canon is both modest and bold. It is modest because it advances a commonsense notion of statutory interpretation that even the staunchest textualists could plausibly endorse. (13) But it is bold because it points out that appealing to "common sense" (14) in statutory interpretation necessarily invokes substantive questions about constitutional values. One's view of when and how the courts ought to "load the dice" (15) by determining what "common sense" requires depends on what the proper role of courts is. And more often than not, talk of "common sense" lays bare a need for unprincipled consequentialism --the exact kind of move that textualism was purportedly designed to avoid in the beginning, but to which it is increasingly becoming accustomed. (16)
This Note offers a middle path. The absurdity canon does not need to be an "all-purpose backstop to the principle that judges must follow a clear text" (17) nor does it need to be completely jettisoned. Rather, it can be narrowly understood to avoid irrational judicial outcomes while exemplifying the courts' appropriately deferential role in statutory interpretation. Using Van Buren v. United States (18) and Biden v. Nebraska (19) as examples, I show how the Supreme Court could have used this version of the absurdity canon--which I term "absurdity-as-irrationality"--to engage in this balancing act later on. (20)
Though my proposed understanding of absurdity departs from existing accounts, (21) it can nonetheless be traced to modern case law and is more theoretically consistent with popular approaches to statutory interpretation--both textualist and nontextualist. (22) By being specific about the ways that absurdity has been used and can be used moving forward, I hope to rebut the characterization of absurdity as some ill-defined boogeyman of statutory interpretation. While it is true that the absurdity canon has been used by courts to justify unprincipled judicial rewriting of laws, the notion of absurdity still occupies an important role in our jurisprudence--a role deeply connected to constitutional norms. (23) The critical question is whether there is a definition of absurdity that minimizes its risks and promotes its virtues. This Note sketches out a tentative answer to that question while acknowledging the potential risks.
This discussion is timely, and the stakes are high. For years now, both this Court and the legal academy have been deeply divided about what "textualism" demands, (24) so much so that in the final Supreme Court decision of the October 2022 Term, Justice Barrett--a well-established scholar of statutory interpretation prior to her judicial roles--penned a concurrence that read more like scholarship than judicial opinion. In Biden v. Nebraska, in which the Court held that the Department of Education did not possess statutory authority to forgive student loans nationwide, Barrett argued that the major questions doctrine is neither a substantive canon nor a clear-statement rule, but a corollary to commonsense textualism. (25) The major questions doctrine, she suggested, is merely semantic. Unlike other substantive canons, the major questions doctrine does not necessarily enforce extratextual values, such as nondelegation; it is a natural extension of "contextual" readings of the plain text. By distinguishing the major questions doctrine from substantive canons, Barrett indicated that substantive canons lack the legitimacy that the major questions doctrine actually possesses. (26)
In making her argument, Justice Barrett cited Manning's The Absurdity Canon. (27) This reference speaks volumes. Manning's article, though written in a different time and thus situated in a different jurisprudential context, showed how the absurdity canon touches upon foundational questions about textual-ism's imagination of the judicial role--questions that this Court continues to grapple with. (28) Thus, read in its full context, Barrett's concurrence can be understood as an attempt to bring coherence to the Court's varying approaches to textualist analysis. But it also signals trouble beneath the water. (29) It is both a recognition that this Court's approach to reading statutes raises eyebrows and a plea to embrace a more capacious (though puzzling) version of textualism tuned in to "context." Her attempt raised more questions than...
